Uncuff India Episode 2: Violence within private spaces and State accountability

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The second episode of the Uncuff India podcast is now live on all podcast streaming platforms! Go give it a listen! In this episode, the intimate space of the “home” is scrutinised, where the marginalized are often subject to acts of violence. The relationship between violence and spaces within which violence can occur are also explored while focusing on the linkages between violence in public and private spaces. The episode also touches upon the various ways in which the State can proactively address violence in intimate spaces and be held accountable as well. The amazing Dr. Jagriti Gangopadhyay joins us on this episode. Dr. Jagriti is currently an Assistant Professor and the faculty coordinator for the Center for Women’s Studies, at the Manipal Centre for Humanities, Manipal Academy of Higher Education (MAHE). Her most recent publication is a co-edited a book titled, “Eldercare Issues in China and India”, published by Routledge, U.K. Tune in for a very honest and insightful conversation!

A patchwork background with a white square in the centre containing the guest, Jagriti's photo, the title of the episode and the name of the guest.

[Intro]

Sanchi- Hello everyone and welcome to our podcast Uncuff India by One Future Collective. My name is Sanchi and my pronouns are she, her.

Uttanshi-My name is Uttanshi and my pronouns are she and her. We are your host today and it’s so good to have you all listening in.

[Intro ends]

Sanchi- In today’s episode, we will unpack the relationship between violence and the spaces within which such violence can take place. In particular, we will focus on violence that occurs in intimate spaces, such as our own homes.

Uttanshi-Homes are traditionally seen as safe and healthy spaces, and this view also guides the approach that governments and state bodies take towards responding to such violence, especially violence, which happens within our own homes because they are intimate. Because they are considered safe and healthy, they are often treated as outside the ambit of the State’s mandate of regulation and protection.

Sanchi-Yeah, absolutely. Thank you so much for introducing the themes for today with Uttanshi and we are ready to dive into the conversation without further ado. So, let me introduce our guest for this episode. Today we have with us Dr. Jagriti Gangopadhyay. Dr. Jagriti is currently an Assistant Professor and the Faculty Coordinator for the Center for Women’s Studies at the Manipal Center for Humanities, Manipal Academy of Higher Education. She did her PhD from the Indian Institute of Technology, Gandhinagar. She was awarded the Shastri publication grant by the Shastri Indo-Canadian Institute for her monograph titled Culture, Context and Aging of Older Indians Narratives from India and Beyond. And her most recent publication is a co- edited book titled Elder Care Issues in China and India. Welcome to the podcast Dr. Jagriti. We are really looking forward to this conversation with you. 

Jagriti- Thank you very much. Thank you Uttanshi, Sanchi and Suchanda. I’m very happy to be on this platform and I really look forward to our conversation. Thank you.

Uttanshi- Thank you so much. Before we start off, I just want to quickly get started right at the beginning, right homes are rarely considered as sites of violence in popular discourse, even though the issue of domestic violence has been present for a long time. Only recently, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, did it come to the limelight. I’m quite intrigued. And, you know, I want to hear from you, Jagriti, about why do you think that we as a society, as a government, are unwilling to recognize that homes are not always safe spaces and that they can be sites of different forms of violence as well. Why do you think there is a lack of focus on violence which happens within homes, and do you think that that needs to shift?

Jagriti- Yes, I do actually because few things, First things is for the first thing is that you know home as a space, the very idea and maybe Pete speaks particularly from the perspective of India, one of the biggest things is that it’s seen as a very safe space, family oriented India particularly, I’m talking about India because you know, because we’re talking about intimate violence and now there have been different contexts of intimate violence, right? Like of course there’s the pandemic and domestic violence, but then also the very recent  Aftab Shraddha case about an intimate partner violence which again kind of then one thing about that is that you know while there is much literature and media highlight on domestic violence, intimate partner violence specifically on girlfriends  is less highlighted. You know like that kind of like the law is also complex in that sense. So, home in that sense is not seen as a space for violence that is because it centers around the family and if you go back in time, like even before, we start talking about domestic violence and home as a space, even the very idea of gender roles, like traditional gender roles, like how you know, like the binary gender roles of men and women. If we just go by that, they also start from home, right? Like how mothers teach a specific thing to do, how you know how parents also expect boys and girls to be very different with regard to gender roles.

So in that sense, home yes is actually one major space where violence starts. And violence as we know is also verbal, physical, emotional, financial. It is not just physical violence that takes place in a home and abusive verbal violence is also something that really is constructed within the home as a space. However, why that is overlooked to answer that question, that is because it’s not just about the government or it’s just not about the media, but we as individuals is what I would say. We also do not really question the household or the household dynamics, right. We do not question the family setting. We kind of take that to be the normative order that has been handed down to us right from generations. So because of that. Before we really of course the State and the media and other institutional civil organizations also need to play a very big role with regard to violence and the household. But, we as individuals also need to recognize where is the origin of all of this. So first the household needs to, you know, really get that attention. So that is why it is overlooked and that is why even till day-to-day domestic violence or intimate violence is still a major problem in a country like India. 

Sanchi-Thank you so much for your input here, Jagriti. I think what you mentioned about the situation, the context of gender roles and how that impacts intimate violence and also bringing up recent cases that we have seen in current news. I think something that it brought up for me is this divide that we seem to have between private and public and that really intrigued me and I would like to follow up on that and ask you if you think that violence in these spaces is interlinked in some way and does one feed into the other? And if it does, then in what ways does that happen? 

Jagriti- Well, honestly, public and private, you know, before the pandemic, even if we were to say that there was one kind of difference because of course there was, you know, the home space, but also the office space and the office space definitely played a very big role. But in specifically, you know, it’s not just about violence. But during the pandemic, I read so many media reports about more breakups, more divorces. That is because people, the couple you know, people started spending more time with each other and the fact that office as a space matters so much became glaring only when the work from home model started. And the reason why the pandemic actually, you know, like India did very poorly with regard to gender inequality. And it’s not just about violence, but also labor force participation rates. Oxfam reports gender inequality on all grounds, in fact. Women started quitting their jobs specifically because of motherhood, right. So all those pressures also and the pandemic kind of put it out there in front of the world as to show that you know, like where India stands with regard to generic inequality. So to talk about private and public. Now of course the spaces are very blurred and they do not really exist because of the work from  home model in that sense. The public has actually entered into the private and one of the consequences of that is, you know, one of the biggest problems is that because people there is this lack of space, that violence kind of became like an immediate reason for the outburst. You know, if, if I’m not sure this someone called Parul Bhandari, who’s a scholar of sociology who has written about intimacy and violence, and she had argued based on the pandemic data that was available that one of the biggest reasons why India witnessed such huge search of domestic violence and why of course you know, it was like another upper urban middle class problem because you know the technically domestic violence is also associated with a specific kind of class of people. But then it became like an all India problem. Of course there was of course much more reporting because people could reach out and you know there was some helplines available. But the other reason also was because is that, you know, domestic violence became a major issue specifically because the spaces were blurred, because instead because the people were thrown into each other, they were always there with each other. The lack of space, there was no other space except the home. So, which is why violence became one of the biggest outbursts and an easy way to express frustration, like you know about job frustration. It’s easier to take it out on the other people on too, specifically on the spouse, on the, you know, it’s like the other, the weaker person. It just became like that kind of a phenomena. The other reason why I, you know like now there is the other thing that has happened about violence is about representation. Now, the OTT platforms we see a larger display of violence and much more access to violence than we really had when we were growing up. And really in that sense that violence has entered the household. So that is the other reason why the public and private divide is actually getting blurred.

Uttanshi- Thank you so much for sharing that. I feel like when we’re talking about the private and the public divide. There is also a guiding, you know, sort of certification or a license from the society for people to look the other way when we talk about violence that takes place within the home. And you know, that’s a big problem because like you said, what allows for that violence to thrive within the private space? It is how it can be looked at outside of the home as well, right? We were just talking to someone earlier and we realized that this same frustration was being felt by people of all genders. It’s not that the COVID-19 frustration was only affecting one particular category of people more than it was affecting other categories of people. However, because of existing systems of oppression and existing power dynamics in the society. Some people felt more empowered to inflict harm on another person than the other person did. So, I feel like even to that, you know, to echo your point about the fact that public and private divisions are not necessarily as significantly different as they seem from each other. And that brings me to the next point about how, like you said, there is a lot of research available about how cases of such violence are bound to increase when people are living together for long durations of time. There are research studies to point out that during Christmas, for example, during holiday seasons, people who live together and have to spend a lot of time together do engage in certain forms of violence. And that leads me to then ask how come we were still not prepared and to that extent, what responsibility do you think does the State have in intervening in such spaces and cases of violence? What do you think guides the State’s approach towards addressing such violence? And the reason I ask this is only because we have repeatedly seen police officers, courts, judges across spectrum say that is happening behind closed doors and therefore we do not have to think about it or we don’t have to address it. So yeah, what do you think about that?

Jagriti- So you know, very recently I saw a survey, the NFHS survey, which showed that of course more to do with South India and  Karnataka kind of was, you know, leading the survey that it was not just men but also women believed that it is okay if, you know, they are subjected to domestic violence if they do not perform household responsibilities and chores as they are expected to do. So this is which is what is significant. You know, I think what there is a law, domestic violence or any form of violence, there is a law that exists in our country. So in technically on pen and paper the State would say we have a law, we have helplines, we have a lot of, you know, like police officers or other agencies which you can reach out to. If you are being subjected to any kind of violence and abuse, then why is it that that still continues to be a problem? The question that you asked is very significant, you know, like why were we not prepared? And it goes back to the first question that you asked. That is because nobody had thought was the during the pandemic, during the lockdown, that of all things, domestic violence would actually be a problem. That was not even in the radar in that sense. But why it is a problem is because there is an invisibilization of women realizing patriarchy exists in the household and that they have to fight the patriarchy. It’s that lack of realization. I was shocked to see that women themselves believe that it’s okay to be abused if you don’t perform household chores, you know, in the right way. Or, for example, women believe that after becoming mothers they should quit their jobs. So that because parenting is still like seen as a mother’s responsibility. So what the State really needs to do, it’s not just about having a law. It’s also about specifically addressing cultural perceptions that has been in, that exists for generations, you know, like for example, in the family setting it’s still okay. You would see that women will first give food to the husband and then eat, and that has been okay. That has been the norm. The reason why women do that is because that is what they have seen in their own family. That’s what mothers did it. Right now this is the kind of generation and gradually post globalization, we still do not have a situation where women and men are, you know, an inequal terms with regard to entry into the workforce because women are still willing to settle for less, women are still willing to take up those jobs which men do not want to take up. So unless change happens there, unless women themselves believe the gender equality has to start from the household, it is very difficult to achieve equality okay or other genders, like other specific genders who believe that they need to have equal access to opportunities. It is very, very difficult to fight something like intimate space violence. So that is why and see even if you see the surveys etc. -still about men and women, other gender categories are not even included. So the problem has not even reached there. It is still seen as a husband and wife problem. Okay, we are not even explaining like fleshing out the other kinds of problems, but it’s also what how is it that we learn violence or what is it that we see, we see that.

Like the father is abusing the mother and the mother is accepting that. So, unless the cultural perception of both these two generations, even if I just see two genders, the parents or the father and the mother, they start seeing violence differently but they start believing that you know equality like both people should start. So what happens when the husband comes home, he expects that the wife will serve him constantly. So even if she has, you know, worked or she has done some amount of work. But even then the expectation is that she should serve me first and then eat. So unless it called, the State has to actually address the cultural attitude within the family setting. Unless we address that, there is no solution because it’s not just about violence. But I was also surprised to see that before the pandemic there was a survey- I forget the agency which did it, but around like majority of Indians believe and that it’s both men and women, that marriage is still the solution to a women’s economic well-being that is still seen as an that is seen as like the major solution. Okay, so that is like economically women’s viability is still marriage and men are still seen as the bread owners. So unless change happens at that level, it is very difficult to make change within the household setting. It’s cultural perception that has to change and the state needs to address that. That is what I believe. 

Sanchi-Thank you for your thoughts here, Jagriti. And I think you’ve brought out some very pertinent points and I think three themes that I would like to focus on from what you shared about is, first, how the internalization of social acceptance of domestic violence happens for marginalized genders and how, how problematic it is then that it creates this pressure of fighting against entrenched patriarchal systems. It puts that pressure on marginalized genders itself. And I do think that the State has more role to play in this. And also the second thing that came up about it just reminded me of the quote, which is very majorly used. Of course it’s-the personal is political, and what you shared made me think about the public and private patriarchy and how this cannot be distinguished very well, right? There’s no clear line if it always flows into each other and it was accentuated during the pandemic, as you’ve also mentioned. And the third thing that I’m also thinking about is how violence against queer folk also increased exponentially during the pandemic and then what role does the State have to play because as you said, we’re still thinking in the binaries and there’s a very urgent need to go beyond that. And I would still like to ask you a little more about that. What do you think that the State can do more? What are some things that might add value to how we currently see intimate violence and? Another thing that I was wondering about was whether you think that the State can then be held complicit in some way because it is because of the lack of their action that violence inside the households is instigated or perpetuated because their response is not adequate. What do you think about that?

Jagriti- Yes, of course I agree with all of your points and I have to say that the State is complicit and accountable as well as responsible because if you see the Nordic countries, for instance, one of the major reasons why they have better quality of life or they dwell in the happiness indexes or in the gender equality indexes, is because the State recognizes that gender equality within the household is important. So for example if you see that its not just maternity leaves, there are also countries which have paternity leaves. In India, for instance, we still have like paternity leave as a concept is still new. Of course, it’s is the option of taking paternity leaves. But also I read a media report where I saw that men in India are wary of taking paternity leaves because then they are not sure whether they will, you know, receive their promotions or, you know, what if the other person kind of trumps them in the workplace. So that is, these are some of the concerns that the State needs to address that when awareness programs are created or when awareness programs are held. Most of the time I see lawyers and activists, policymakers, academics- they’re invited, but they always address the macro problem, the legal issue. They will specifically talk about contemporary media, you know, gender related news item which would be prevalent at that particular point of time. And with regard to that, they would address and they would highlight about the laws or you know the different kind of helplines that would be available. Those, those would be the major solutions. You know, the crux of the discussions is what I’ve seen. But in those awareness programs, it is also I have the other I rarely see, you know, like awareness programs that are held together for all forms of gender. It’s usually, you know, for women or only for men in that sort. So that is also very important like gender workshops addressing cultural perceptions within the household need to be addressed like that should be the first step. So that is one. The other thing is a more representation is needed, you know, in the states body most of the time what happens is privileged women make decisions or I would say actually privileged men who have very little understanding of what is really happening at the situation. They are the ones who make the laws and who make the policies. So that that is of course true for kind of everything that we do. But representation of the victims is very necessary in the committees who are actually going to, you know, implement the law. So for example, now one of the law, you know, the law is that equal marriage age where women it’s manager, manager marriage age is also going to be 21 very soon. So in that sense that there’s a task force and they’re going to implement it and the idea is to address maternal mortality and you know the nutritional problem that women face, but it’s not going to solve the problem. That is because as I said, most women also still believe that early marriage, early children, you know that those are the steps to go and that’s how the family is also built. Like I’m not just talking about rural India, but I’ve even very, very educated upper class. They are we as women, I’m sure we have faced this question immediately. I don’t know like after twenty-five one is often asked, right? Like when are you going to get married? So that cultural perception needs to change and the State needs to take responsibility. So in the awareness programs or in the law, the first address that needs to be done is that activists, lawyers, they need to understand and talk about the cultural perceptions and make public aware about the cultural norms that exist in Indian society so that the state has to take responsibility and change the laws accordingly. Unless that happens, it is very difficult for any real change to happen. It would be difficult because you know, despite the fact that we have our laws etc are quite stringent. Well crimes against the men or you know, even the queer community is one of the biggest problems that India has.

Uttanshi- Thank you so much for sharing that. I think something that I really resonated with here is just, you know, when you spoke about representation of victims- of course you looked at root causes. You looked at how it’s not just a problem that exists in certain economic sections of the society. But what really resonated with me is how you spoke about how there need to be victims at the center of this particular problem and solution making and how they need to be a part of the implementation committees. They need to be a part of the decision making authorities which reminds me of this really powerful thing that you know, I was reading and we also believe at One Future Collective which is that lived experiences can also be expertise. And it’s not always true that if you’ve studied something academically, if you’ve read about something academically, you are the expert on the subject matter and you know your expertise and knowledge is definitely valuable to some extent. But involving stakeholders who are most affected by it has its own value, which we cannot ignore. And if we continue to ignore that, you know we will continue to make policies that don’t hold a lot of relevance or can’t be implemented in the most useful manner or the most effective manner? And that brings me to the next question that I have for you, Jagriti, which is just how do you think we can make State responses better? Of course, you’ve looked at one of the ways, which is incorporating survivor voices in implementation committees. But are there any other ways that you think this can be done in a way that really reflects the lived realities of survivors and incorporates their voices in understanding what future solutions and solution modeling can look like.

Jagriti-Yes, of course. One thing is that you know, when the victims themselves speak up, that is also another issue. You know, victims like now reporting has started, you know a little bit now because of social media. The, you know, post me too movement victims are confident that they will receive support at least in an online community. That little change the transition has happened because when the me too movement started, one thing I saw a lot of older women, older people, they actually came out and you know spoke about their the kind of harassment that they had faced during their time and how they could did not really have a platform to express at what they had undergone at that point of time. So, I think that the State first needs to include it in their framework is, but you know like it. As you rightly said, lived experience is like a very big part. Often, it’s not just academic or the law or the you know like how you know it’s it’s just not just the law and academic or the policymakers who should come together. But lived experiences also should play an important role. I think one thing that the State could do there are some, you know, good foundations and NGOs who actually do work really hard for some of the victims and some of the difficult, you know, violent crimes, victims who have suffered different forms of violence. So the State should tie up with them and see that adequate representation is done because rarely would victims, you know, would like to talk about their experience or, you know, like be a part of that committee and then, you know, immediately start making decisions or start talking about their experiences. So, the State first should have a simple group where the victims would be made comfortable, you know. So unless that is included in the framework as to how the victims should be made to feel comfortable, so that they really believe that they belong to the State, they belong where they can be protected, they can be encouraged and they can really make a difference, it would not really make a change in that sense, right? That is because today I’ll just give you a simple example in the sense of mother-in-law and daughter-in-law relationship- we talk about domestic violence and mostly the idea is that, you know, violence in that sense is, you know, husband is being violent on the wife. But there are also many instances where women have been violent against women. So as you know that you know that so mother or even when I have gone to do field work in rural areas or even in many of the, you know, urban houses. One thing I always noticed whenever I wanted to speak to the daughter-in-law, the mother in law would always be very keen to accompany because she could be very worried as to what would the daughter-in-law tell about the household that, you know, an unknown stranger would know. So one thing that happens is that why does the mother in law, you know, always have a difficult or a conflicted in relationship with the daughter-in-law because she herself had suffered once upon a time when she was the daughter-in-law. So that is the cultural perception that I’m talking about. That is what the state needs to address. That is essentially what the State needs to understand that within the family setting, there are different layers where violence is implicit, where cultural norms are actually getting translated over generations, and we are raising children who are actually growing up watching that kind of visualization of violence within the family setting. So, when I talk about representation or when I talk about the family being part of the awareness program, first, the first and foremost place, the State needs to understand that the household needs to be addressed. In India Today, the family is actually burdened with many responsibilities where the State does not interval. So for example if you see elderly are still expected to be looked after by their children. That is the other area of abuse that happened. You know, like older parents are often abused by their children. So that’s where the family has to take responsibility. Children are raised by their parents and the State would not intervene even if there is, you know, like a specific case of violence within that family in that sense. So, first and foremost the government needs to understand that the household is the biggest unit where violence is constructed in the first place, and to address violence or gender equality, awareness programs or outreach programs or any kind of policy has to be addressed first in the household. And unless that happens, it is very difficult to make any change in a country such as India where patriarchy is so embedded across the household. 

Sanchi- Thank you so much for sharing your thoughts on that, Jagruti. I think what you said right now clearly brings out the importance of framing the household as something that the State should look at while talking about violence. And it also gives a very concrete, clear idea of what the state can do. And I think the examples that you shared really brought to light the complexities of violence, so many nuances that come with it inside the household itself and how power is affected and it definitely gives me a lot to think about and I think our audience would also agree with that. Do you have any closing thoughts as we wrap up this conversation today?

Jagriti- Well, I One thing that I would want to say is that you know that social media also plays a very important role in the sense of this public versus private space. And where actually in technical sense, the government is overlooking that space also because so many people we meet on social media now, there are so many apps, and I’m not even aware of most of the apps. But you know, as a teacher, I often hear students writing assignments or talking about different platforms where they meet different people. And you know, now a lot of things is changing. Like for example, the dating cultures are changing, how we meet individuals are changing. So I think in terms of violence that really needs to be taken into account. You know, as a future like as like that could just be the next potential problem. And the State at this point is totally ignoring that, you know, as a setting like that that is not even on again as you’re not even in on in the level of policy as to how to of course now the media would highlight certain cases, but that’s about, you know, there is still a space which is going to be the future, specifically dating apps and different social media accounts where we meet different unknown individuals on a regular basis. And the government needs to take account of these different spaces that are coming and they are again in the private, which is the home space. You know where we first start talking to strangers or we start chatting with unknown people. So, that’s the government needs to recognize that as a potential problem and address that to really take into account intimate violence across India.

Uttanshi- Yeah, I fully agree. Especially the point about how intimate partner violence can exist across spectrums. So far we’ve been talking about the physicality of the household. But how this violence can happen on technological platforms, that is also something for us to consider. And as you were speaking, I was also thinking just in terms of I may be living away from my home physically, but there may still be violence and my people that I am living with in my household can be inflicting on me through different methodologies and different means. And what does that mean from the perspective of being able to get support and care and justice for us as survivors from the State? These are all some extremely important points. And the one thing that I think I’m taking back with me today especially is, you know, especially as a lawyer, I feel like we don’t really think about anybody other than people as being subjects of the law. But listening to you speak today, I’m really thinking about how a household unit can be a subject of the law and how when we look at a household unit, we’re also looking at its complexities and the power dynamics that exist within it and how it’s no longer just individual people. So I really want to thank you for bringing all of these insights in and having this conversation with us today. I also want to thank our audience for tuning in. 

[Outro]

Uttanshi- Thank you for tuning in today. Please leave us any questions you may have as voice notes on Anchor or in our Dms. We would love to hear from you. This podcast is brought to you by One Future Collective.

Sanchi- Yes, thank you so much. And don’t forget to follow us on Instagram and Facebook at One Future Collective and at One Future_India on Twitter. And keep an eye out for future episodes out every second and fourth Thursday of the month until next time.

[Outro ends]

Mapping and negotiating power

Uncuff India Episode 10: Dimensions of conflict and peace: visioning a utopian world

Uncuff India Episode 9: Civic space and dissent: A pathway to social justice

Uncuff India Episode 1: Violence and the Role of the State in India

In the first episode of this season, we examine what state violence actually is and how it plays out. The episode sets the context for what State violence looks like in India, and who the stakeholders involved/impacted by it are. We investigate this with the wonderful Chandni Chawla, a human rights lawyer in Mumbai who represents a variety of clients charged with criminal offences. Join us as we break down the fundamentals of state violence with Chandni Chawla and our hosts Sanchi and Uttanshi of One Future Collective!

Content warning: Mentions of violence, physical assault, custodial torture.

A patchwork design in the background. A white square in the centre with OFC's logo, the title Episode 1, name of the episode and guest (Chandni) and Chandni's photo.

Transcript

[Intro]

Sanchi

Hello everyone and welcome to our podcast, Uncuff India by One Future Collective. My name is Sanchi and my pronouns are she/her.

Uttanshi

My name is Uttanshi and my pronouns are she/her. We are your hosts today, and it’s so good to have you all listening in. In today’s episode, we will unpack the meaning of violence in the context of state agencies and explore whether states can be perpetrators of violence themselves. If yes, we will also explore how this violence can manifest and discuss whether and how accountability from the state can be demanded.

[Intro ends]

Sanchi

Yes, States and State agencies are rarely seen as perpetrators of violence and harm, especially against their own citizens. They are, in fact, often seen as agencies which protect and act in the best interests of their citizens, which is how we might want it to be. However, this may not always be the case. It is possible that the State engages in covert forms of violence against their citizens for many different reasons.

Uttanshi

To discuss this and to share their insights on this particular theme with us at One Future Collective, we have with us the lovely Chandni Chawla. Chandni is a human rights lawyer from Bombay, who practises criminal law at the Bombay High Court and the lower courts as well. She represents a variety of clients from those accused of charges of terrorism as well as towards bodily offences. She also focuses on providing legal aid to women under trial prisoners, who are unable to afford legal representation, and to survivors of gender based violence. Thank you so much Chandni for taking the time out to join us today. We’re very excited to hear from you and learn from your insights.

Chandni

Thank you Sanchi and Uttanshi. Thank you very much for having me. I am very excited for this podcast as well, and this is a great topic to have a podcast on.

Sanchi

Lovely. Thank you so much. Thanks for joining us, Chandni. And let us dive right in and begin dissecting the topic at hand. Chandni, let us first talk about what you think of State violence. Do you think that states can engage in committing violence against their own citizens? And if yes, then what different forms can such violence take place in?

Chandni

I think my answer is an absolute yes. I mean, especially with my experience as a defence criminal lawyer. In the work I do, especially we engage with the State every day. it’s our every day. The opponents are the State; and the different kinds of violence we see is just rampant. So, I think State violence can definitely be in the form of physical violence and that’s very obvious. We see it in our everyday lives, we see it when we open the newspaper; but I think it can also take the form of other violence, which are non-physical. So, I would first like to talk about the physical forms of violence and especially speaking from my experiences, the physical forms of violence which I see around me everyday is custodial torture. It’s violence which takes place within the four corners of the police station. It’s violence which takes place the moment somebody is accused of a crime, and the entire process which goes in the interrogation of that person, right? And violence is used, and even though it is physical violence, at many times, that physical violence cannot be seen. And that is why to prevent that kind of physical violence, there are various Supreme Court judgments which say that there have to be CCTV cameras installed in every police station. This is to ensure that there is no custodial violence, but despite this, custodial violence is very rampant and I definitely see it in my experiences as a lawyer. But moving on, apart from violence perpetrated in custody, we also see violence on the roads, right? For example, if there is a policy., if there is a document which people want to oppose and they want to take to the streets — they want to protest — we definitely see at many times that the State, in the form of the police or other forces, perpetrates violence against students, against protesters. We see them getting lathi-charged, we see people opening tear gases. So, definitely we see physical forms of violence, especially when somebody is opposing the State and the State policy. There is also other forms of violence we see, which I call violence. It’s in the form of intentional spreading of misinformation. We see that happening a lot by the State agencies. We see a lot of trolling on Twitter and other social media platforms. We see a lot of misinformation being spread by popular media, which is controlled directly or indirectly by the State. So, I would think that this is also definitely a form of violence. We definitely see violence where people want to speak out against the State and when they try to do that, when they write against the State, their voices are suppressed- they are either accused in false cases, they have to be imprisoned for those cases for many, many years. So I think to answer your question, yes the State is one of the biggest perpetrators of violence in my mind.

Uttanshi

Thank you so much Chandni for that. And while you were speaking, I was just trying to understand, you know, how wide the meaning and scope of something like violence can really be. Traditionally, we’ve only understood that to be physical forms of violence, but hearing you speak, I’m also realising that there are sometimes non-physical types of violence. Sometimes, you know, violence that we can very easily look against, or look past, or ignore because we’re not seeing it cause direct physical harm onto anybody. So, thank you for sharing these different types of violence. It is definitely making me think in a certain direction that is quite helpful to get a sense of how we should be thinking when we’re talking about State violence, and how it may not always be as easily detectable as it may be in some other spaces. While we’re talking about this, do you think that it’s important for us to be able to address and call out such violence that the state engages in? And by us, I mean us as citizens, but also as activists, as human rights organisations, any other stakeholders involved in the process — anybody that’s not the State. Do you think it’s important for us to be able to call it out?

Chandni

I think absolutely. I mean non-state actors have a huge role to play when it comes to calling out violence perpetrated by the State. This is actually a very difficult process, but I think it becomes very important to have checks and balances in place. So, the State as a machinery does have checks and balances in place. For example, the judiciary is a check & balance, right? But apart from that, as citizens, I think civic participation is extremely important in any democracy. We say that the State is by the people, for the people, and of the people, right? And how do we hold them accountable becomes a very important question. But before that, it’s very important to do that because if we say it’s the State by us, for us and of us, so they are supposed to be accountable to us, right? So I’m not sure if you’ve heard of the Jawab Dehi Andolan, which is a movement which is taking place in Rajasthan. Some of the people who are involved in this — I mean I work with them. So, this is a movement to press the government to come up with an accountability bill, right? As we are talking about accountability, as we are talking about calling out State violence, I think this is an extremely important step that through the legislature we are trying to bring about a law for accountability of the government towards its people. And why is this important, right? For any good governance, for any State to observe human rights, where they are signatories to so many treaties on human rights. I think it’s important, it’s a role of every citizen to hold the State accountable. And I think we, as say civil societies, activists, students are very privileged in some sense or the other because we do understand how the State machinery works. And I feel it is our responsibility not just to hold the State accountable, but to spread awareness among the other population who do not know how the State works, right? So I think it becomes extremely important because, you know, the movement from democracy to non-democracy, to other forms of government, to fascism is extremely slow and we might not even be aware that it might be taking place. So to prevent that, the only way is taking small action every day, being aware of our rights, making others aware of their rights and just calling the State off if we feel that there are any policies, if there is violence which they are perpetrating, whether it’s physical violence or non- physical violence. So it is extremely, extremely important to call out state violence, especially in a democracy.

Sanchi

Thank you so much for bringing all those very pertinent points, Chandni. I think through what you’ve shared we have now clearly established that the State can and does in many, many different ways inflict violence against citizens. And we’ve also seen through what you shared why it may be important to call this out, and what might happen if this goes unchecked. Thank you also for giving us the example of the Jawab Dehi Andolan and for us to be able to see how this might be done in action-what are some ways through which we can call out such violence that the State is engaging in, but I want to go a little back to something that you pointed out and discuss more about that. You said that it might be difficult for us to at first recognize and call out this violence. So I’m just wondering what makes it so difficult to address this violence that is perpetrated by the State?

Chandni

Thank you for that question. I think it’s a very pertinent question. And the answer to that is not a straightforward answer because the State is such a powerful agency. So there is a huge power imbalance between the States and its citizens. And in such a scenario, when there is a huge power imbalance, calling out the one which has the most power is going to be difficult and it is always difficult. And, you know, there is an innate sense of legitimacy which the State gets because of its nature of being the State, right? And in such a scenario, addressing, acknowledging that the State can perpetrate violence and calling out the state violence can become very difficult. To give you an example, we can see what’s happening in the past couple of years, right? People who are calling out state violence, they are being accused in false cases. The biggest case which comes to my mind is the Bhima Koregaon case, where so many activists, lawyers, students, journalists, who are working in their individual capacities, who are trying to hold the state accountable, are now presently in custody for the past almost four years. We’ve lost one of them because he was 83 years old. There are many more who are still very old and are suffering, and it’s only because of speaking out against the State that they are in custody today. And it’s not just them, right? There are many journalists, many whistleblowers, who have to face the blowback only because of speaking. So when this happens, when we see this in our everyday life around us, when we read about this in newspapers, it creates a fear-psychosis. I mean, I feel it today that students, for example, today do have a sense of fear if they feel that they need to speak out that they are being extremely cautious. I’m not saying it’s not good to be cautious — it is extremely good to be cautious, but at the same time, why should one feel the need to be cautious to call out the State? So, I think it’s firstly the fear-psychosis. People feel that there might be consequences for speaking out against the State. For example, there might even be consequences for holding this podcast. I mean, I don’t know! We never know, right with the kind of surveillance which is taking place in today’s country? And this makes it extremely difficult to speak out against the violence perpetrated by the State. This makes it extremely difficult for people. For example, when we go to different areas and try to mobilise people, you can sense that fear, psychosis, you can sense that, you know, ‘if I speak out, there might be consequences, there might be other consequences which I might face because of speaking out against the State’. So that is something which makes it very, very difficult to speak out against the State- there’s also majoritarian support, which the State naturally enjoys being the State. So, speaking out against the majority is always going to be difficult and has always been difficult. So, I think these are some of the reasons which make it very difficult to speak out against the State.

Uttanshi

Chandni, as you were speaking, I was also thinking of another point that was coming up while you were sharing your reflection — is that, there is also so much attached to the State, right? So many of my welfare schemes, so much of my documentation. It is not just, I think, the fear that I will get arrested or I will get beaten up, but then it goes back to the previous conversation we were having about how this fear of violence, this fear of being treated differently by the State can manifest in other forms as well, which takes away from my ability to lead a life — where I still continue to have access to welfare schemes, where I still continue to have access to some services which are attached to the state government by virtue of it being the government itself. And while we’re thinking about all that, and I think you’ve already given us a few examples of State violence in the Indian context. But I was thinking it may be useful for our listeners and for us to set some more context for the conversation we’ve been having so far by you sharing with us a few examples of what does state violence look like in IndiaAre there any examples of it? Or would you like to elaborate on the examples you’ve already given — just for us to develop their understanding?

Chandni

Taking my example of, say, custodial violence forward, I only spoke about it broadly, but it’s very important to understand that there are various intersections involved and there is intersectional violence which the State perpetrates, right? We’ve seen violence against minorities, violence against the disabled, violence against the LGBT population, violence against transgender, which is much more rampant as compared to violence against an able-bodied upper caste person. At least according to my experience, it is very important to keep intersectionality in mind when we speak about violence. So, I’ll just give you an example of a state policy. So, for example, the Kerala government came out with a policy. They advertised for the post of a female housekeeping staff. There was a separate advertisement for male housekeeping staff, and separate advertising for female housekeeping staff. So, a trans person who identifies as a woman applied to the post for the female housekeeping staff, but the Kerala government refused to give them that post. So, when this went up to court and this was challenged, the court recognized that this is an exclusionary policy that you only have advertisements for the post of a female and a male housekeeping staff. The court in this case — it’s a very recent case, it was only like 10 days ago — acknowledged and went on and quashed this policy and said that the trans person who identifies as a woman can definitely apply to the post of a female housekeeping staff. So, this policy in my mind is an example of violence, right? It is a form of violence. It might not seem like violence because as we spoke that what comes to our mind when we talk about violence is only physical violence, but exclusionary laws are the biggest, biggest, biggest example of the State perpetrating violence. A couple of years ago, we saw the entire debate which was taking place around CAA and NRC, right? And at that point of time, we could see the impact of these laws on the minority community. We could see the impact of these laws on people who are disabled, on trans folks — nobody spoke. I mean, people spoke about it, I’m not saying they didn’t speak about it, but I think it’s very important to identify intersections when it comes to violence and understand the impact of violence on people who belong to marginalised communities or belong to minorities. As I was speaking, we’ve also seen violence against students, against protesters. I’ve seen it during my college days. I don’t know if you both have seen it during your college days, but I’ve definitely seen it rampant when students take out rallies, when they do come out and oppose laws- they do face backlash, not just from the state, but from their university itself, right? And where is that coming? That’s coming because the university is fearing the State. If the university is a public-funded university, the university will fear that the State might stop funding them. When we spoke of welfare schemes, when we spoke of policies, if I go to a slum today and try to mobilise them to speak against the State, they might feel that ‘no, tomorrow, probably the water will get cut out in my area; I might not get my ration from my kirana shop’. So, this is the impact and this is the fear which makes it extremely difficult to speak out against the State. And as we spoke that, you know, spreading misinformation is the biggest, biggest form of violence which we see in today’s world and that is happening all the time. I mean, in the way people are calling it WhatsApp University, but I do see that fake information is spread about different policies, about different schemes of the government,which are circulated on WhatsApp to various people. So, this in itself is also an instance of State violence. We, at least, to add on, I mean in my experiences as a criminal lawyer, we do see State agencies which go ahead and plant evidence against the accused all the time. We see it all the time. So, if they can go to the extent of planting evidence, the instances of wrongful prosecution in the country are extremely high. So, as I was saying, right, that if the State can go to the extent of planting evidence and that happens, I mean, I see it in practice almost every day. So, you can only imagine the other forms of violence which the State is perpetrating, and we’re not even aware of that, right? And I think invisible forms of violence are also which exist and it is extremely difficult to even understand that this is a form of violence that is taking place against us. So as I was saying, right, like at least physical forms of violence, I see it around me as a practitioner all the time and as I spoke about exclusionary laws, about exclusionary policies, welfare schemes, means other forms of violence which we do need to speak out against. So yeah, these are some of the examples of violence which come to my mind.

Sanchi

Thanks so much for taking us through those extremely important manifestations of State violence in our country, Chandni. I think I’ll also speak for our listeners when I say that listening to you today has really broadened my understanding of what violence itself can look like and what are the different ways in which it comes out through the State agencies. And I think, especially, the examples of exclusionary policies that you shared, of how the law itself functions in such binary ways and how that becomes a tool of violence — I think that has really got me thinking and it has definitely given me lots to think about more as well, even after our conversation ends. And how just exclusionary policies then as tools of violence ensure the marginalisation, or the further marginalisation of already marginalised groups. Like you also shared how the CAA & NRC at that time, how we weren’t really looking at the impact it had on already marginalised groups such as people with disabilities, as trans people, and how much this really matters and the weight of this has really got me thinking and I’m wondering about possible resolutions for this now. So Chandni, what do you think? What does accountability look like in such cases and how can it be made possible?

Chandni

I think that’s a question we all need to keep discussing to come up with practical solutions, right? I mean, it’s a question to which there cannot be a concrete answer, but it should be an ongoing debate. So, the first step, according to me, is at least starting a debate and to have an ongoing debate on this particular question on how do we make the State accountable and that will only happen through mobilisation, through spreading awareness, through holding, for example, workshops, through holding awareness sessions, especially for people who do not have access to information right? As I was speaking, that we are all very privileged because we have access to information, but there are a huge list of citizens who do not have access to information, who do not have access to enough news. So, if we are able to reach that population of the country and if we are able to spread awareness — just awareness about State policies to people and I think just start questioning each policy: ‘Do you think this policy is exclusionary? Do you think this policy is inclusive? How does this policy benefit you? Does this policy harm anyone?’ If we are able to start these discussions and debates, I think we will move closer to accountability in the near future. For example, the movement for RTA, right, the Right to Information was in my mind, one of the biggest movements for accountability. And it’s only after years of struggle, years of mobilisation, that today we do have a law of RTI and we do have the right to collect information. And that’s only been possible through mobilisation, through spreading awareness. The other thing which comes to my mind is, as I was saying, that it becomes extremely difficult to speak against the State because of the power structures, right? So, if we are able to break these power structures, if we are able to get power into our hands as citizens — and that will happen only through changing vote bank politics, right? That will happen only when more and more people realise the value of the vote, the value of their vote. It is only then that the power imbalance which exists between the State and the citizens today, will reduce. So, participation in democracy, participation in democratic processes, is also very important to demand accountability and make sure that the State is accountable to its citizens. So I think, yeah, these are some of the instances which come to my mind and, definitely right, it is extremely important to challenge exclusionary policies. For example, the Kerala example I gave you: if the trans person wouldn’t have challenged that policy, that would just go unnoticed. So it becomes very important that — where we feel that a certain policy is exclusionary or biased or discriminatory, it is very important to challenge that policy in courts. And we do have a separation of powers within how the State functions today, right? We do have the judiciary, which is an independent body, which can look into State policies and mechanisms. So, it becomes very important, according to me, to keep questioning and to keep challenging State policies wherever we feel they are exclusionary and discriminatory.

Uttanshi

Thank you so much Chandni. And I fully agree with you when you said that, you know if we start talking about this, it’s a conversation that can go on for as long as time. We are really thankful to hear from you to learn from your everyday experiences and your expertise in this matter. Thank you so much for taking the time out to be able to have this conversation with us. Once again, we’re really thankful, very grateful for you and to be able to have this conversation with you. Before we close, do you have any closing thoughts on this entire conversation? Anything you would like to share with our listeners for them to take back home? Anything that’s coming up for you?

Chandni

Yeah, thank you, Uttanshi. Firstly, thank you for having me over. As last thoughts, as I’ve said throughout this podcast, right, that I feel it is extremely important to keep questioning and it is extremely important to keep the debate alive. So, my only last thought is that whatever you see around yourself, which relates to a State policy, which relates to any state action, I think it’s very important for everyone to question and to challenge the State policy, if you feel it is exclusionary. So, questioning will only make you think more and which will only take you closer to understanding the internal biases you carry, right? Like, as we said that we feel the State, because of its nature of being the State, cannot go wrong. So, it is very important for each one of us to challenge these notions and it’s only then I think that we will see true change, and we’ll be able to challenge State policies and understand violence a little better. So yeah, I think these are my closing remarks and thank you very much for holding this podcast. And I do hope that OFC keeps hosting such podcasts in the future. And this is one of the ways where OFC is conducting these debates and which is one of the ways to actually keep the State accountable. So this is, I think the podcast in itself is an example of demanding accountability from the State, which is great. So thank you very much for having me.

Sanchi

Thank you so much for joining us today, Chandni. And I think that I will speak for everybody who’s listening in to say that we have indeed learned a lot and we are very, very happy to have had you today. And, as Uttanshi said, thanks a lot for your time. Thanks once again.

[Outro]

Uttanshi

Thank you for tuning in today. Please leave us any questions you may have as voice notes on Anchor or in our DMs. We would love to hear from you. This podcast is brought to you by One Future Collective.

Sanchi

Yes, thank you so much. And don’t forget to follow us on Instagram and Facebook at OneFutureCollective and at OneFuture_India on Twitter. And keep an eye out for future episodes out on every second and fourth Thursday of the month. Until next time!

[Outro ends]

Leave us your feedback on the episode as DMs on our social media or as voice notes on Anchor.

Mapping and negotiating power

Uncuff India Episode 10: Dimensions of conflict and peace: visioning a utopian world

Uncuff India Episode 9: Civic space and dissent: A pathway to social justice

An antidote to loneliness | One Future Post

CW: Mention of the COVID-19 pandemic

Shreyasi smiling at the camera in a red dress amidst greenery
Curator Shreyasi Tripathi

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

All my friends are sad and bright by Cameron-Awkward Rich (excerpt)

I think door & there is. Open & here’s a room

where everything you’ve lost is washed ashore.

We’ve seen the news. We know the story.

How even our bodies hurt us sometimes

so much. Room of broken mirrors. Room of salt.

Room of marigolds & it’s your party, baby

here’s a crown, here’s a gown & no man

just around the corner, all your eyes on you.(find the rest of this poem here)

In 2020, when it still felt like the pandemic could end without obliteration of the world as we know it – I described my loneliness to a group of 20-something One Future Fellows. I believed loneliness was my life’s work. “the broadest of my purposes” I called it & why shouldn’t it have been? I have spent a very large portion of my life with it.

Born a woman, in India, at a time when we are made to feel that women must pay for equal opportunities in perfection. That they must hold the top of their class, while co-parenting their siblings, learning to become adequately skilled, socialising, and doing chores, while being grateful for the chance to do it at all. I, like most women of my generation, have shaped my life in the quest of attaining the impossible. 

Olivia Laing, in the first book (The Lonely City) that gave me language for what I have felt my whole life has said: “loneliness doesn’t necessarily require physical solitude, but rather an absence or paucity of connection, closeness, kinship: an inability, for one reason or another, to find as much intimacy as is desired.” The binaries the world tries to divide us into do not allow for the wholeness of a person to be seen and experienced by those around them. Parts of me  that were deemed not-good by those around me – boisterous, queer, neurodivergent, opinionated, likely to say no – were tucked in the ponytail I made for school. (because bad girls have unruly hair). (more on this in the AMA section) 

With time, I had to learn to stretch a hand out to the world that said: I am open for the business of belonging. I had to learn to become serious about connection – seeking it, finding it, nurturing it. In any way possible. The smallest steps were to grow plants! to befriend neighborhood cats & crows & dogs & peacocks – all of whom now recognise me (though they choose to ignore me often). I tried Bumble friends. I started a book club. I started attending group activity classes. I walked up to people at parties and started conversations. I really listened. I tried to remember. Little by little, others remembered me too. They saw me – my entire self, if only for a few hours once a few weeks. The biggest risk here was rejection. My plants could die. The cats could (did) scratch me and run away. People I walked up to rolled their eyes. I often said the wrong thing & ended up losing a lot of plants, books, and flowers in the process (my love language is gift-giving). I also received books. I received postcards that read like they knew their intended audience. All this shrunk my pie of loneliness. Once loneliness became less omnipresent, more space was created for me to occupy. 

My occupying space created more opportunity for others to. 


Chosen Family by Rachel Eliza Griffith (excerpt)

When you find your people you’ll still look over your shoulder sometimes

to see if you’re being followed. You’re hoping one or two people you don’t

know will want to see where you’re going. When you find your people

they won’t ask you where you came from because they’ll already know

& if they don’t they’ll be busy putting good food on your plate & asking you

if you’re hungry or broke. When you find your people they’ll tell you

to use any bathroom you want, marry anybody you want, work side-by-side

together for long hours in close quarters without any fear of being harmed…(find the rest of the poem here)

Who you invite in your community is a vital source of perspective and holds immense political power. Practically and in matters of the heart: who you know affects where you go. When our political powers fail to care for us, it is our communities that come to our rescue such as during the COVID-19 pandemic. It was only through mutual aid that my family, and so many families like mine survived that time.

A chosen family is a group of individuals who deliberately choose one another to play significant roles in each other’s lives and is essential for queer folks to thrive. When most people think of a family, they think of parents, marriage, siblings and children—a lot of these shun or are inaccessible to queer individuals in large parts of the world. This remains true for any of us whose families are sites of exclusion and, therefore, loneliness. This is where our communities step in. In light of social injustice, it is communities choosing to step up that can, if at all, protect the democratic principles. 

Our social networks can sustain us, or tear us apart. Nicholas Christakis, a professor at Yale, wrote about the power of Social Networks in his book ‘Connected: How your friends’ friends’ friends affect everything you think and do’. With decades of data, he proved that emotions live in clusters of our social networks. My actions and emotions will affect those of my friend’s friend’s friend & theirs will affect me. We must put effort in social networks, study them, nurture them just as we do a family, or a romantic relationship. When Emily Dickinson died, it was her friend Mabel Loomis Todd  who collected, edited, and made sense of all of her handwritten works. The only reason we know of Dickinson is because she cultivated friendships with just as much care as she did her poems.

An image of children dancing as an elephant plods along.
Source: Soyeon Kim from Wild Ideas

Our world is designed to hole us up in nuclear families, isolating LED-lit cubicles, sad cab rides with the rain pattering down, not even knowing the name of the person who brings up home. The neoliberal world is full of messaging to go at it alone! you can do it all, if you try hard enough! The thing is – you don’t have to. You can ask your friends! & since kindergarten, hasn’t the world been shinier & gigglier when we have a friend to share it with? Why not choose the giggles? 

Mapping and negotiating power

Uncuff India Episode 10: Dimensions of conflict and peace: visioning a utopian world

Uncuff India Episode 9: Civic space and dissent: A pathway to social justice